Good to Know: Antisemitism in America

Why is antisemitism now on the rise?

Antisemitism has resurfaced as a prominent issue in the United States, from college campuses to politics. But what is antisemitism, exactly? What motivates it – and how prevalent is it in America?

How do you spell antisemitism?

Even the spelling of this word has been a source of debate. For a long time, everybody spelled it with a hyphen and a capital “s”: anti-Semitism. Wilhelm Marr, a German political activist, popularized the term in the late 1870s and early 1880s. His purpose was to cast Jews (“Semites”) as foreign, and apart from the German people. The “Semites,” he believed, were corrupting German culture and commerce.

But there is no Semitic race, nor is there a Semitic people. The term applies to a group of languages formed centuries ago in parts of Africa and what is now the Middle East. In addition, referring to “Semites” took away a focus on Jew-hatred, which is what the term was meant to do.

Deborah Lipstadt, a prominent scholar of Jewish studies who served as U.S. special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism in the Biden administration, initiated an effort in 2020 to change the spelling to “antisemitism.” The Marr version, by capitalizing “Semites,” legitimized a pseudo-science that distinguished between the Aryan race and other, lesser races, such as Jews. Many Jewish and media organizations agreed, and now accept “antisemitism” as the appropriate spelling.

Sources of antisemitism

The roots of antisemitism today trace back to two main sources. Religious antisemitism emerged out of early Christianity. Its starting point is that Jews, by practicing Judaism, are committing a sin against God. This brand of antisemitism blames the Jews for not acknowledging they are no longer God’s people – and for killing Jesus. (Historians and religious scholars show that it was the Romans, who were neither Jewish nor Christian, who killed Jesus.)

Religious antisemitism also initiated the blood libel, which became popular in the Middle Ages. This is the false claim that Jews kill Christian children to use their blood in various rituals. An enduring claim is that Jews bake Christian blood into matzah, the cracker-like food eaten during Pesach (Passover). Also during the Middle Ages, Christians often associated Jews with the devil.

Racial antisemitism (sometimes called secular antisemitism) emerged in the late 19^th century, and was a major motivator behind the Holocaust. Nationalists across Europe believed they belonged to one ethno-national group, which comprised a specific nation (for example, the German nation, the Polish nation, the Italian nation), rooted in a supposed pure ethno-national identity. These groups cast Jews as ethnically and racially different – and a people that did not belong.

Racial antisemitism embraces the idea of a natural ranking of different nations, with some – such as the white race – superior to others, such as the Jews. This ranking is rooted in the pseudo-science of eugenics, the claim that a nation’s genetic heritage is both fixed and makes them act in certain ways. Some genes, these false claims purport, are “better” than others, making that race superior to other races.

What does antisemitism look like in practice?

According to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “Antisemitism is the prejudice against or hatred of Jewish people.” As such, it manifests in a number of ways.

First, as with any type of bigotry, antisemitism propagates negative generalizations about its target. For example, antisemites cast Jews as having a particular physical appearance, such as a large, hooked nose. They also accuse Jews of exhibiting particular types of behavior, such as being “clannish,” only interacting with their own kind. 

Second, conspiracy theories form an integral pillar of antisemitism. Most of these focus on Jews as controlling national and global politics – including accusations that Jews created and manipulated both capitalism and socialism. In the contemporary period, two terms often used to connote this effort to control are “globalist” and “cosmopolitan.”

It’s also common to see Jews accused of manipulating world events, including pandemics, for their own purposes. Jews were accused of causing and spreading the Black Death in 14th century Europe. And, more recently, Jews were blamed for the covid-19 pandemic.

A related form of conspiratorial antisemitism is Holocaust denial. This refers to claims that the Holocaust never happened, or that proclaim the genocide has been exaggerated.

Third, in one of the more popular stereotypes, antisemites firmly believe that Jews love or are obsessed with money. This trope accuses Jews of being greedy, tightfisted, and always trying to bargain for a better deal in order to spend as little of their money as possible.

Fourth, since the establishment of Israel, antisemites have claimed that Jews who are citizens of other countries remain loyal primarily or only to Israel. In the United States, for example, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee is a registered 501(c)(4) nonprofit organization. Yet critics of its policies regularly accuse this organization of working on behalf of Israel.

Lipstadt explains that these antisemitic canards are a paradox: Jews are inferior, less than human, the tropes claim – but they also control U.S. politics.

Antisemitism in America

Antisemitism has long been entrenched in American politics and society. The starting point for American antisemitism was the belief that Jews did not belong in the United States, a viewpoint based on religious antisemitism. Protestants controlled political, economic, and cultural activities in the 13 original colonies and, after the American Revolution, in the United States. They discriminated against other religious groups, too, not just Jews. 

For example, anti-Catholic parties emerged that were dedicated to restricting Catholic immigration. In this way, antisemitism was similar to other bigotries that suffused American politics and society at the time. In fact, the Nazis later drew on American bigotry and racism for their own murderous antisemitism.

Antisemitism in U.S. immigration policy

By 1933, the Jewish population in America reached almost 5 million. But by the 1920s, fueled by nativist sentiments, the United States became more restrictive in its immigration laws and rules.

The Immigration Act of 1924 – which remained in place until 1965 – imposed quotas on immigration from Europe. Drawing from the eugenics movement, this law put in place lower quotas for eastern and southern Europe – locations from where many Jews were emigrating.

Both Congress and the State Department made decisions to restrict Jewish immigration. As Jews in Europe fled the Nazi threat, U.S. immigration restrictions were growing tighter. Approximately 180,000 to 220,000 European Jews made it to America between 1933 and 1945. Hundreds of thousands more could not and were killed in the Holocaust.

U.S. attitudes toward Jews to the 1950s

Over the years, American Jews suffered from widespread antisemitic attitudes and episodes of antisemitic violence. By the time the first U.S. public opinion surveys about antisemitism were conducted, in the 1930s and 1940s, a substantial portion of Americans were overtly antisemitic. 

Although there are problems with the methodology of these surveys, the results can be parsed to determine general perceptions of Jews. Many Americans viewed Jews as too different, too radical, obsessed with money, and engaged in an international conspiracy for world domination. And many Americans believed Jews held too much power in the country.

Because of the prevalence of these familiar tropes, many Americans had established organizations to “fight” against Jewish integration and keep Jews marginalized. By one estimate, over 100 antisemitism organizations were formed between 1933 and 1941.

These views affected the ability of Jews to enroll in higher education. Research shows that beginning in the 1920s and through the 1950s, U.S. universities sought to limit Jewish enrollment.

These attitudes were particularly clear in American medical schools, which imposed quotas on Jewish applicants. Some administrators claimed that Jews did not work well with their hands, for instance, and so could not participate in clinical work. Others proclaimed Jews were unethical, too interested in money, or too radical. Similar restrictions occurred in law schools and throughout the Ivy League.

Antisemitism on the decline

After World War II, antisemitism steadily declined as a major factor in American public opinion and politics. Attitudes began to change rapidly. This was facilitated by the fact that, as historian Hasia Diner notes, no prominent U.S. political party ever ran on anti-Jewish sentiments.

Jewish ideas and cultural traditions became absorbed into American culture, helping to reduce animosity toward Jews. These developments paved the way for a rapid reduction in the enrollment barriers in higher education.

As Jews became more integrated into U.S. political and economic institutions, they also gained more access to decision-making power. This facilitated Jewish efforts to remove policies designed to marginalize them.

According to the American National Election Studies’ “Average Feeling Thermometer” toward religious groups, since 1964 Americans have generally felt “warm” toward Jews. On a scale from 0 (coldest) to 100 (warmest), Jews were rated at 62.5% in 1964. By 2020, the rating was 72.2%. The lowest rating was in 1976, when warmth toward Jews dipped to 57.3%. For comparison, Americans rated Catholics just above Jews across this period.

One longtime and prominent observer of antisemitism in the U.S. wrote in 2012 that “antisemitism is too minor an issue to disturb the daily lives of American Jews.”

Why is antisemitism now on the rise?

Antisemitism became more widespread again beginning in the 2010s, particularly among Americans on the far right and the far left. The Anti-Defamation League, created in 1913 to combat anti-Jewish attitudes, reported a 21% spike in antisemitic incidents in the U.S. from 2013 (751 incidents) to 2014 (912 incidents). 

Despite the long-term decrease in such incidents over time, this was the largest substantial increase in almost a decade. The Anti-Defamation League noted another surge in 2016.

A 2020 Pew public opinion survey found that most Jews felt there was more antisemitism at the time, compared to five years earlier.

Contemporary right-wing antisemitism

There are two main explanations for the shift in attitudes. Among right-wing groups, conservatives, and Republicans, a revival of racial antisemitism again casts Jews as too different, and even a threat to the white race. 

Donald Trump’s first presidential campaign and his first presidency both exploited and legitimized these antisemitic attitudes. These efforts facilitated a renewed public presence of an emboldened white nationalist movement, amongst them violent antisemitic individuals and groups.

For example, drawing on classic antisemitic canards regarding Jewish loyalty and money, Trump made several comments at the Republican Jewish Coalition presidential candidates debate in 2015. These included statements like, “You just like me because my daughter happens to be Jewish,” “You’re not going to support me because I don’t want your money,” and “Look, I’m a negotiator like you folks…. This room negotiates perhaps more than any room I’ve spoken to.”

And in 2019, Trump said, “In my opinion, you vote for a Democrat, you’re being very disloyal to Jewish people and very disloyal to Israel.” 

The 2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, highlighted this rise in antisemitism. White nationalists shouted, “Jews will not replace us.” By that they meant Jews are not natural components of American society, but instead were parasites feeding off the white nation. The ultimate Jewish goal, white nationalists claim, is to destroy and replace white civilization.

Right-wing antisemitism has been particularly pernicious. One study that surveyed antisemitism among young adults on the left and the right concluded that these attitudes are “far more prevalent on the right, particularly on the young far right.” Other research finds that the more conservative and the more religious a person is, the more likely they are to hold antisemitic beliefs.

Contemporary left-wing antisemitism

Among left-wing organizations, progressives, and Democrats, contemporary antisemitism has been tied to attitudes toward Israel and Zionism. Young adults, particularly college-level students, are more likely to believe in supporting the underdog or the oppressed. Applying this framework to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, they see Israel as a powerful country, while the Palestinians are stateless and under military occupation or siege. Violence between the two sides inevitably results in mass Palestinian casualties.

Regarding the Israel-Hamas war that began in October 2023, for example, the Pew Research Center found that among all age groups, 30% of young Americans (ages 18-29) sympathized “more with the Palestinian people.” This was greater than in other age groups – 17% in the 30-49 age group felt this way, and just 10% in the 50-64 cohort, and 9% for those over 65.

These findings help explain the growing gap between Democrats and Republicans on support and sympathy for Israel. The two parties increasingly disagree on supporting Israel over Palestine, as well as on support for the policies of Israel’s right-wing governments that have been in power for most of the last two decades.

Jew-hatred from the left is typically manifested in holding Jews responsible for Israel’s policies. For example, left-wing and progressive groups have barred “Zionists” from participating in their activities. The assumption is that being Jewish means being Zionist, i.e., a supporter of Israel. 

At the same time, left-wing and progressive groups have rejected the participation of Jews in their work because Jews are accused of being part of the hegemonic white majority, rather than a marginalized and oppressed community.

Why keeping track of antisemitism matters 

The rising threat of antisemitism in America makes it critical to continue analyzing this issue. But several factors can affect how we measure and understand antisemitism. Spikes in violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, for example, are associated with spikes in antisemitic violence and antisemitic attitudes in the United States.

It’s particularly important to use caution in identifying differences across locations, the identity and religiosity of respondents, and broader domestic and international contexts. In surveys, all of these points can affect perceptions of antisemitism.

The partisan divide over whether and how to support Israel has also affected attitudes toward and rhetoric about Israel. This, in turn, may reinforce differences between left-wing and right-wing antisemitism. 

One of the biggest challenges is the fight over what kind of criticism of Israel is acceptable – if any – before veering into antisemitism. Is criticism – or hostility – toward Israel antisemitic? The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance is the vaguest on the distinction between antisemitism, anti-Israel, and anti-Zionist sentiments. But many governments, including the United States, have adopted or followed this guideline.

In contrast, the Jerusalem Declaration and the Nexus Document are more specific about when anti-Israel or anti-Zionist ideas become antisemitism. These guidelines leave more room for critiques of Israel and Israeli policy. (In full disclosure, I have signed the Jerusalem Declaration.)

In 2025, antisemitism has not disappeared from America. Polling data shows that many Americans continue to hold antisemitic beliefs into the 21^st century, and hate crimes are still committed against Jews. Yet at the same time, Jews actively participate in all areas of American politics and society. This paradox is a defining feature of contemporary American Jewish life.

Related Good Authority posts:

• Nathan Kalmoe, “U.S. survey shows that anti-Israel views don’t imply antisemitism.” From March 2025, explaining new ways to measure antisemitism – and why this effort is important to the current scrutiny of whether campus protests were a form of antisemitism.
• Brent E. Sasley, “The Trump administration is investigating campus antisemitism.” From March 2025, giving insights from recent surveys of Jewish views on antisemitism.
• Brent E. Sasley, “Good to Know: Israeli politics.” From March 2025, explaining how Israel’s fragmented politics has helped smaller parties on the right gain influence. 
• Brent E. Sasley, “2024’s big surprises in Middle Eastern politics,” a recap of developments that year in Israel and elsewhere in the Middle East.
• Michael Tesler, “Anti-Jewish attitudes have increased among anti-Israel Americans.” From June 2024, discussing survey findings on how opinions of the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict are associated with changing attitudes about Jews.
• Michael Tesler, “The perils of conflating anti-Zionism with antisemitism.” From May 2024, offering a closer look at what public opinion surveys really say about the claim that Democrats’ growing opposition to Israel’s actions in Gaza is somehow rooted in antisemitism. 
• Erik Voeten and Barbara Walter, “What’s next after the ceasefire in Gaza?” Podcast discussion on how Israel and Hamas might move beyond the ceasefire of February 2025.

Further reading and resources:

• Hasia R. Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654 to 2000 (University of California Press, 2006).
• Leonard Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America (Oxford University Press, 1995).
• Amy Kaplan, Our American Israel (Harvard University Press, 2018).
• Deborah E. Lipstadt, Antisemitism: Here and Now (Penguin Random House, 2019).
• Jonathan Rynhold, The Arab-Israeli Conflict in American Political Culture (Cambridge University Press, 2015).

Brent E. Sasley is a 2024-2025 Good Authority fellow.

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